Bolstering claims about the relationship of millennial Nazism with Christianity is
The Holy Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919-1945 by Richard Steigmann-Gall (RSG), from which I shall quote liberally from below:
The struggle we are now waging today until victory or the bitter end is, in its deepest sense, a struggle between Christ and Marx. -- Joseph Goebbels
The above is the opening quote of the book and nicely sets the frame for the book. Christ and Marx become the dialectic figureheads that the Nazi movement focused on, taking their cues from the 'materialism' of the Jews that Christian theology, from its inception, defined Christianity from its Judaic foil, the "killers of Christ". With Marx, his atheist expression of socialism only added steroids to the contrast, with the German Protestants and Catholics just fresh out from under the Kaiser and into the 'liberal' chaos of the secular Weimar Republic.
RSG argues against the general notions prior that Nazism was a product of modernity,
Volkisch paganism, and such as Nietsche's philosophy. These arguments served to insulate the Christian Churches and their culpability in at least enabling Nazism.
pg. 12
Rather, I suggest that, for many of its leaders, Nazism was not the result of a “Death of God” in secularized society, but rather a radicalized and singularly horrific attempt to preserve God against secularized society.
Instead Nazism was a reaction against modernity based upon the correlation of such as modernity with the profound chaos and suffering of the WWI and post-war period. For here "correlation is not causation". Instead, people might better have been asking what forces brought about the war in the first place, and here we can see that prior to the Nazi movement that nationalistic German exceptionalism was a strong factor, whipped up by the churches.
pg. 17
Liberation from materialism; Germany as God’s chosen nation; domestic betrayal of the nation and God; honor and sacrifice; a new fight for liberation – these were not indeterminate tropes readily available to all Germans across the political spectrum in Weimar. Rather, they represented the fixed ideological position of a variety of Christian in postwar Germany. Such views represented an increasingly dualistic thinking among those in Germany who were not just reacting to the material difficulties of postwar inflation and the redrawing of the nation’s borders, but who also believed that the country was on the verge of a moral abyss reflected in an inexplicable defeat and the specter of atheistic revolution. This dualism, this understanding of Germany’s predicament as a fight of good against evil, precluded a search for answers in the workings of pluralist Weimar democracy, which for many was regarded as illegitimate in the first instance. For them this was instead an all-or-nothing struggle. This same dualistic vision, enunciated within the same Christian parameters, was an ideological centerpiece for many in the new Nazi movement as well.
...
pg. 15
OUR RELIGION IS CHRIST, OUR POLITICS FATHERLAND
If Germany before November 1918 had been a “Christian state,” afterward it looked to many people like a godless republic. For most of Germany’s Christians, and certainly for German Protestantism, it was a time of deep insecurity. The Summus Episcopus, secular guarantor of the Protestant Church’s prerogatives, had been overthrown. The churches’ constitutional rights, as well as the professional security of the German pastorate, were similarly thrown into question. The brief tenure of Adolf Hoffmann (a member of the future Communist Party and strong advocate of the separation of church and state) as Prussian Minister of Culture further strained relations between the churches and the Weimar “system.” However, the strains were not just institutional.5 Indeed, more important was a larger crisis of Germany’s Christian culture. For many Christians, Weimar’s very existence signaled a profound assault on God’s order. Christians of both confessions had stood at the forefront of nationalist agitation during World War I. The growing inclination among Protestant theologians in particular to view Germany as God’s favored nation, a theological trend that began in the latter half of the nineteenth century,6 culminated in 1914 in “war theology.”7 This theology was fostered by an ethical interpretation of Christianity, by which God worked providentially through history to liberate humanity from materialism in order to realize his moral kingdom on Earth. War theology reduced ethical activity to the nation, conceived as the means through which God revealed his will. The notion that God sanctioned the nation as one of his orders of creation was similarly a theological departure within mainstream Christianity that, although significantly radicalized by the longevity of the Great War, in fact predated it by many years.8 The result was that most Christian clergy condemned Germany’s adversaries in harsh moral terms, elevating the war into a type of crusade in which God had chosen Germany to punish his enemies.
A "type of crusade"? In Peter Levenda's book,
The Hitler Legacy, we learn that the Kaiser, via his friend Max von Oppenheim, encouraged the Ottoman sultan and his religious authorities to launch an Islamic 'crusade', or jihad rather, against the colonial interests of the British and French within the Muslim world. Cynically, the German colonial lands were outside of the Muslim world. As Levenda goes on to discuss, post-WWII Nazis helped fan the flames of this global jihad into what still exists of it today.
Perhaps Hitler's best known ideological mentor was Dietrich Eckart, and here RSG discusses that Eckart's influence has been mischaracterized. Rather he states:
pg. 18
Lamenting the cultural and moral crevasse he believed his country had fallen into, Eckart suggests that Christ provided an important moral compass: “Christ stands never otherwise than erect, never otherwise than upright . . . eyes flashing in the midst of the creeping Jewish rabble . . . and the words fall like lashes of the whip: ‘Your father is the devil’ (John 8: 44).”20 Far from advocating a paganist or anti-Christian religion, Eckart held that, in Germany’s postwar tailspin, Christ was a leader to be emulated: “In Christ, the embodiment of all manliness, we find all that we need. And if we occasionally speak of Baldur, our words always contain some joy, some satisfaction, that our pagan ancestors were already so Christian as to have indications of Christ in this ideal figure.”21 The book, published posthumously, ended with an afterword by the publishers: Eckart’s death “prevented the completion of this highly significant work showing the Christian approach to the völkisch movement.”22
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pg. 19
On the First World War he wrote: “This war was a religious war, finally one sees that clearly. A war between light and darkness, truth and falsehood, Christ and Antichrist.”23 This religious dualism achieved apocalyptic dimensions: “The moment of truth has arrived: humanity once again has the choice between appearance and reality, between Germandom and Jewry, between the all and the nothing, between truth and falsehood.”24 Eckart believed in an ultimate confrontation between these forces: “When light comes to blows with darkness, no pacts are made! There is only struggle for life and death, until the destruction of one or the other. And that is why world war is the only apparent end.”25 In such passages, Eckart makes use of a Christian discourse – an apocalyptic opposition of good and evil – rather than delineating an explicit ideological program with a Christian content. Use of religious metaphors in political movements was certainly nothing new, nor in Weimar Germany was it limited to the Nazi movement. But Eckart goes further than this, demonstrating an underlying assumption that his struggle against the Jews was ontologically bound with the struggle for Christianity. The racial duality between Aryan and Semite overlapped with and was related to a religious duality between Christian and Jew.
These last excerpts then are fully consistent with David Redles's thesis regarding the
Nazi Millennial Reich in terms of its apocalyptic nature, only that RSG is going even further in linking the movement to Christianity.
Here we should reflect upon the nature of the American fundamentalist and evangelical movement and its relationship to Trumpism. So far the forces of darkness are such as the globalist elites and MS-13, and well ... that George Soros is a Jew after all.
