Richard Stanley
Well-Known Member
Below is Velikovsky's concluding summary of parallels that a skeptic must discount in order to dismiss his chronological alignment of Ahmose I (the founder of the Egyptian 18th Dynasty) with Saul, the first of the Hebrew 'kings'. Among the many consequences of this realignment is that the Biblical Queen of Sheba can clearly be identified as Hatshepsut and Akhenaton can be seen as living in the time of kings Jehoshaphat (of Judea) and Ahab (of Samaria / Israel). The latter alignment, of course, creates problems for any that want to associate Moses with Akhenaton. ... Or does it really?
In any case, the following summary of Velikovsky's only covers the aspecst covered by the parallels between the Amarna Letters and the OT books of Kings and Chronicles, not the material related to the temple wall murals of Hatshepsut and Tuthmose I, and such as the Ipuwer Papyrus regarding Ahmose I's alignment to Saul.
From Ages in Chaos pp. 332-4:
One then needs to ponder how the Egyptian king lists, as presented by Josephus Flavius, supposedly via Manetho, got out of sync by up to 500 or 600 years. Josephus Flavius? Where have we heard that name before? As Velikovsky states, one either has to move the biblical kings back or move the 18th Dynasty forward to regain alignment. The problem with moving the biblical kings back is they are also tied to external inscriptions from Assyria and Moab (the Mesha Stele). While the Amarna Letters are authentic, their dating is tied to the king list chronology, and thus our friend Josephus.
In any case, the following summary of Velikovsky's only covers the aspecst covered by the parallels between the Amarna Letters and the OT books of Kings and Chronicles, not the material related to the temple wall murals of Hatshepsut and Tuthmose I, and such as the Ipuwer Papyrus regarding Ahmose I's alignment to Saul.
From Ages in Chaos pp. 332-4:
If one is determined to keep to the traditional construction of history and insist that the letters of el-Amarna were written to and from archaic Canaanite princes, he is also bound to maintain that in Canaan events occurred which recurred half a millennium later in the time of Jehoshaphat and Ahab. This makes it necessary to hold that there already was a city of Sumur [as spelled from the Amarna letters - not a reference to Sumeria - rs], of which not a relic remained; that this city, with a royal palace and fortified walls, was repeatedly beseiged by a king of Damascus, who had a prolonged dispute and recurrent wars with the king of Sumur over a number of cities, in a conflict that endured for a number of decades; that on one occasion the king of Sumur captured the king of Damascus but released him; that on the occasion of a siege of Sumur by the king of Damascus the guard attached to the governors succeeded in driving away the Syrian host from the walls of Sumur; that on the occasion of another siege of Sumur the Syrian host, hearing rumors of the arrival of the Egyptian archers, left their camp and fled--every detail an exact image of what happened again half a millenium later at the walls of Samaria.
The traditional construction of history implies also that the king of Damascus, who was at the head of a coalition of many Arabian chieftains, succeeded in fomenting a revolt by a Trans-Jordan king named Mesh against the king of Sumur, whose vassal he was, and this rebellious vassal king captured cities of the king of Sumur and humiliated his people, as in the days of Mesha's rebellion against the king of Samaria. That Rimuta was the place in dispute between the king of Damascus and the king of Sumur, as Ramoth was in the second epoch; that the king of Sumur had a second residence where a deity was worshiped whose name, Baalith, was the same as that of the deity introduced by Jezebel, and the king of Sumur planted groves in his second residence, like Ahab in the field of Naboth; that the king of Damascus organized a number of ambuscades against the king of Sumur, and the king of Sumur each time managed to escape death, like the king of Samaria of the second period; that the king of Damascus became gravely ill, yet did not die from the illness but was put to a violent death on his sickbed, like the king of Damascus of the second period.
This hypothetical scholar would also be bound to admit that all these coincidences happened at a time when the land of Sumur was visited by a drought, and the springs dried up and a severe famine followed; and the drought lasted several years and caused starvation of the people and epidemics among the domestic animals; and that the inhabitants departed from the realm of the two residences--everything just as it happened in the second period.
He would have to maintain that the two periods do not differ in any respect whatsoever, and that each event of one period has its twin in the other. The land of Edom was ruled by a deputy of the king of Jerusalem--in both cases. Tribes from as far away as Mount Seir invaded Trans-Jordan--in both cases. In the first period as in the second, the invaders threatened Jerusalem and caused the population of the kingdom to flee from their homes. The king of Jerusalem, like Jehoshaphat centuries later, was afraid of being driven with his people from their inheritance [via the eternal covenant with Abraham - rs] and expressed his fear in similar terms [as was expressed to Akhenaton - rs] , but everything turned out well when the tribes of Mount Seir and Trans-Jordan rose up against each other, as they did five to six hundred years later.
This scholar would also have to admit that the military chiefs of the Canaanite king of Jerusalem signed their letters with the same names as the military chiefs of Jehoshaphat, king of Jerusalem, and that the names were as peculiar and unusual as, for example, Iahzibada (Jehozabad) and "son of Zuchru" ("son of Zichri"), or Addaia (Adaia), or Adadanu (Adadani, Adna), who was again the first among the chiefs; that the [Egyptian - rs] governor of Sumur had the same name as the [Egyptian - rs] governor of Samaria of the later period (Amon), and that the keeper of the palace in Sumur was named Arzaia like the chief steward, Arza, of the king of Israel.
Again, in the city of Shunem (Shunama) lived a "great lady," and already in the first period some miracle had happened to her so that she was called Baalat-Nese. [Velikovsky failed to provide the parallel account here. rs]
And again, the king of Damascus had a [Egyptian -rs] military governor (Naa-man, Ianhama), by whose hand "deliverance was given to Syria," and who at first was feared by the king of Sumur but later on became the latter's friend, like his reincarnation six hundred years later.
Further, the successor of the murdered king of Damascus, by the name of Azuru or Azaru, acted like Hazael of the second period: he oppressed the land of Sumur; he conquered almost all the land of the realm; he burned with fire the strongholds and villages of the king of Sumur; he even spoke with the same peculiar expressions as Hazael did later on.
This scholar would also by faced with the fact that in the second period the city of Irqata again lost her king, and that King Matinu-Bali and King Adunu-Bali, under the leadership of Biridri, defied the mighty invader from the north, just as happened in the first period when a Biridia (Biridi) assumed the task of leading the kingless city of Irqata and King Mut-Balu and King Aduna against the invader from the north. In both cases this invader was the king of Assyria and the lord of Hatti. In both cases he was victorious over the coalition of Syrian and Palestinian princes helped by Egyptian battalions. In both cases he received placating presents from Musri (Egypt) in the form of rare animals or figures of such animals. Again, the king of Damascus, Hazael, battled with him between Lebanon and Hermon as did Azaru of the first period. Again, the kings of Tyre and Sido, harassed by this invader, left their cities and departed in ships, as they did six hundred years earlier.
In both periods the art of ivory work flourished, and identical patterns were produced: designs and execution, characteristic of the earlier period, were repeated in the same period, and have been found to be so similar that they have been taken for copies of the art objects of the first period.
In both periods the same architecture and stone workmanship (Megiddo, Samaria) found expression.
In both periods the same idiomatic Hebrew was spoken.
Can one accept such a series of coincidences? ....
The traditional construction of history implies also that the king of Damascus, who was at the head of a coalition of many Arabian chieftains, succeeded in fomenting a revolt by a Trans-Jordan king named Mesh against the king of Sumur, whose vassal he was, and this rebellious vassal king captured cities of the king of Sumur and humiliated his people, as in the days of Mesha's rebellion against the king of Samaria. That Rimuta was the place in dispute between the king of Damascus and the king of Sumur, as Ramoth was in the second epoch; that the king of Sumur had a second residence where a deity was worshiped whose name, Baalith, was the same as that of the deity introduced by Jezebel, and the king of Sumur planted groves in his second residence, like Ahab in the field of Naboth; that the king of Damascus organized a number of ambuscades against the king of Sumur, and the king of Sumur each time managed to escape death, like the king of Samaria of the second period; that the king of Damascus became gravely ill, yet did not die from the illness but was put to a violent death on his sickbed, like the king of Damascus of the second period.
This hypothetical scholar would also be bound to admit that all these coincidences happened at a time when the land of Sumur was visited by a drought, and the springs dried up and a severe famine followed; and the drought lasted several years and caused starvation of the people and epidemics among the domestic animals; and that the inhabitants departed from the realm of the two residences--everything just as it happened in the second period.
He would have to maintain that the two periods do not differ in any respect whatsoever, and that each event of one period has its twin in the other. The land of Edom was ruled by a deputy of the king of Jerusalem--in both cases. Tribes from as far away as Mount Seir invaded Trans-Jordan--in both cases. In the first period as in the second, the invaders threatened Jerusalem and caused the population of the kingdom to flee from their homes. The king of Jerusalem, like Jehoshaphat centuries later, was afraid of being driven with his people from their inheritance [via the eternal covenant with Abraham - rs] and expressed his fear in similar terms [as was expressed to Akhenaton - rs] , but everything turned out well when the tribes of Mount Seir and Trans-Jordan rose up against each other, as they did five to six hundred years later.
This scholar would also have to admit that the military chiefs of the Canaanite king of Jerusalem signed their letters with the same names as the military chiefs of Jehoshaphat, king of Jerusalem, and that the names were as peculiar and unusual as, for example, Iahzibada (Jehozabad) and "son of Zuchru" ("son of Zichri"), or Addaia (Adaia), or Adadanu (Adadani, Adna), who was again the first among the chiefs; that the [Egyptian - rs] governor of Sumur had the same name as the [Egyptian - rs] governor of Samaria of the later period (Amon), and that the keeper of the palace in Sumur was named Arzaia like the chief steward, Arza, of the king of Israel.
Again, in the city of Shunem (Shunama) lived a "great lady," and already in the first period some miracle had happened to her so that she was called Baalat-Nese. [Velikovsky failed to provide the parallel account here. rs]
And again, the king of Damascus had a [Egyptian -rs] military governor (Naa-man, Ianhama), by whose hand "deliverance was given to Syria," and who at first was feared by the king of Sumur but later on became the latter's friend, like his reincarnation six hundred years later.
Further, the successor of the murdered king of Damascus, by the name of Azuru or Azaru, acted like Hazael of the second period: he oppressed the land of Sumur; he conquered almost all the land of the realm; he burned with fire the strongholds and villages of the king of Sumur; he even spoke with the same peculiar expressions as Hazael did later on.
This scholar would also by faced with the fact that in the second period the city of Irqata again lost her king, and that King Matinu-Bali and King Adunu-Bali, under the leadership of Biridri, defied the mighty invader from the north, just as happened in the first period when a Biridia (Biridi) assumed the task of leading the kingless city of Irqata and King Mut-Balu and King Aduna against the invader from the north. In both cases this invader was the king of Assyria and the lord of Hatti. In both cases he was victorious over the coalition of Syrian and Palestinian princes helped by Egyptian battalions. In both cases he received placating presents from Musri (Egypt) in the form of rare animals or figures of such animals. Again, the king of Damascus, Hazael, battled with him between Lebanon and Hermon as did Azaru of the first period. Again, the kings of Tyre and Sido, harassed by this invader, left their cities and departed in ships, as they did six hundred years earlier.
In both periods the art of ivory work flourished, and identical patterns were produced: designs and execution, characteristic of the earlier period, were repeated in the same period, and have been found to be so similar that they have been taken for copies of the art objects of the first period.
In both periods the same architecture and stone workmanship (Megiddo, Samaria) found expression.
In both periods the same idiomatic Hebrew was spoken.
Can one accept such a series of coincidences? ....
One then needs to ponder how the Egyptian king lists, as presented by Josephus Flavius, supposedly via Manetho, got out of sync by up to 500 or 600 years. Josephus Flavius? Where have we heard that name before? As Velikovsky states, one either has to move the biblical kings back or move the 18th Dynasty forward to regain alignment. The problem with moving the biblical kings back is they are also tied to external inscriptions from Assyria and Moab (the Mesha Stele). While the Amarna Letters are authentic, their dating is tied to the king list chronology, and thus our friend Josephus.
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